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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

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conducting elections should decide which party is going to participate in
them and which not. They do not seem to mind that rule spreading over
Europe, they seem to be perfectly confident that it will not reach England,
or, if it does reach England, at any rate it will not reach the Midlands.
. . . My right hon. Friend the Deputy Prime Minister told us that he
wished to put the Polish question in the general framework of Europe.
. . . He proceeded to tell us the principles on which he was going to put
it in the general framework of Europe., and I was astounded, not at those
principles, but at the avowal of them. In this world's history there have
often before been men who preferred to arrange the present with no
reference to the past—if I might quote my right hon. Friend's words,
I think exactly—
cc in the light of the future, and from the point of view of the people of
the future."
Though there have been people who have tried to do that often enough
before, it has never produced anything but extreme disaster. However,
this is the first occasion in history, I think, upon which a gentleman
occupying so elevated a situation as that has avowed that preposterous
principle—we are to try to arrange Eastern Europe not in the light of the
past but in the light of the future, and from the point of view of the people
of the future. An Hon. Member : cc Why not ? '? Because the light of
the future is not here yet. That is why we cannot use it. My right hon.
Friend also made great play with the argument, which has been frequently
used by all the supporters of His Majesty's Government on this occasion,
that the only chance of peace is that we three should stay together. That
really is a meaningless statement. Of course it is true. You might as well
say that if you threw my right hon. Friend into the Thames, he would be
... I have only one other piece of hastily fetched foreign information,
about which I would like to ask my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary
a question. I take no responsibility for this, but as a statement I think it
has enough evidence that makes it fair to ask the question, which is this :
Is it true that Madame Arciszewski, the wife of the Prime Minister of the
Polish Government, recognised by His Britannic Majesty's Government,
has been arrested ? . . .
. . . The essential thing about this Yalta Agreement on Poland seems
to be not whether it is the best arrangement which could possibly be made
at that time. That still begs the question. For instance, we were told
yesterday that this and that had happened because of the existence of the
Lublin Committee. But His Majesty's Government were not wholly
without influence in the days before that Committee came into existence.
There are all sorts of things which we do not know about as to what relations
were between His Majesty's Government .and the Soviet Government. The
main point is this : This thing is presented to us as the first step towards
a great new world organisation. . . .
... I am, perhaps, over-suspicious about great world organisations, but
I feel sure that such an organisation can be built up only by taking up all
that there was in the modern world of international law and international
comity, and building as from that. It seems to me that, however much
this may be* much the best arrangement, and however much it may be said
that the Poles may be idiots for wanting to keep their old provinces or for
not wanting to have chunks of Germany, what sticks in my gizzard, what
I find it impossible to give positive approval to, is that so far as I know it
is the first time in history that one country has had both its regime and its
boundaries altered in the course of a war by three other nations—all in